A feminist vision for transformative change to disaster risk reduction policies and practices

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Abstract

Gender has received increased attention in disaster risk reduction (DRR) policies and practices over the past three decades. However, a critical analysis raises a number of questions: has the attention to gender brought transformative change to the lives of people, especially women and sexual minorities in all their diversity? To what extent has the inclusion of a gender perspective in DRR challenged the root causes of vulnerability and marginalization? Do the current gender sensitive DRR policies and practices have transformative potential? In this paper, we explore some of these questions with particular reference to the recent Disaster Risk Reduction and Management (DRRM) Act 2017 and current DRR practices in Nepal in which gender has been included. We present findings from three research projects, undertaken between 2016 and 2019 in six locations in Nepal. These comprised 105 individual interviews, 11 group interviews and 3 focus group discussions (FGDs) with internally displaced women; pregnant and newly delivered women; health and community workers; policy makers, political leaders and organisations working on DRR. We argue that, despite increased attention to gender, current DRR policies and practices do little to challenge existing, unequal social and institutional structures; instead, they accommodate the gender status quo. We suggest that in order for transformative social change to occur, we require a transformative vision; one that allows us to see the biases and problems within the current DRR policies and practices and allows us to imagine our future differently. A feminist vision offers that possibility.

Introduction

Disaster affects women, men and sexual minorities differently due to socially constructed gender norms and unequal power relations [[1], [2], [3]]. Gender inequality is exacerbated in crisis situations [4]. Exposure to disaster risk is facilitated by economic status, race/caste/ethnicity, age, religion, disability and a number of other possible categories [5,6]. Therefore, the same extreme event could have different impacts on different people due to pre-existing unequal structures. Women and sexual minorities are often more vulnerable and disproportionately affected by disasters [7] due to gender inequalities and social conditions exposing them to various forms of violence, including sexual violence, child marriage or trafficking [8,9]. Also, women's reproductive roles render them vulnerable, with particular, yet timebound, needs during pregnancy, childbirth and lactation.

There has been increasing global attention to gender equality through, for example, the adoption of various international policy frameworks such as the Hyogo Framework for Action 2005–2015 (HFA),1 the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030 (SFDRR),2 and the Sustainable Development Goals 2015–2030 (SDGs).3 The emphasis on gender specific needs in these frameworks has created a degree of awareness among policy makers and implementers, from the national to the local level, in disaster contexts. However, a critical analysis raises a number of questions: has the attention brought transformative change to the lives of people, especially women and sexual minorities in all their diversity? Do the current gender sensitive disaster risk reduction (DRR) policies and practices have transformative potential? To what extent has the integration of a gender perspective in DRR challenged the root causes of vulnerability and marginalization? In this paper, we explore some of these questions by analysing the recent Disaster Risk Reduction and Management (DRRM) Act 2017 and current DRR practices in Nepal in which gender has been included [10]. We argue that, despite increased attention to gender, current DRR policies and practices have made no real difference to the lives of people on the ground for three key reasons. Firstly, the current DRR policies and practices do not challenge existing unequal gender relations and power structures; instead, they accommodate the gender status quo. The accommodative nature of the current DRR policies and practices in Nepal and elsewhere has made little difference to the lives of people on the ground [11]. Moreover, these policies have been applied to existing unequal institutional structures, which are not only male dominated but are constructed based on a masculine vision of the world [12]. Therefore, gender still operates largely as an add-on, as it typically comes at the very end of the thinking process or superficially in a checklist manner. Gender is relegated to the non-urgent; overruled by the ‘tyranny of the urgent’ [13] and considered a separate and lesser priority compared to ensuring food security, for example, instead of recognising its constitutive nature across the spectrum of need. Secondly, in these policies and frameworks, gender is looked at as binary but often reducing it further to just women (in both its conceptualisation and implementation or at least in the implementation), ignoring other gender identities and the relational aspects. In similar reductive mode, women are seen as a homogeneous category and the intersectionality within gendered experiences (i.e. how the experience of a person is not only determined by their gender but also by other intersecting identities, such as their caste, age, race, religion, sexual orientation and so on)4 is largely ignored in current DRR policies and practices. Even if their relevance is acknowledged in theory, devising a programme that could capture all of these categories is perceived to be complex, time consuming and a barrier to implementation. Therefore, unless this perception is challenged, it is unlikely that any DRR policies and interventions will be truly gender responsive. Thirdly, the consideration of gender within DRR policies and practices is imagined within traditionally defined gender roles, which serve to promote and reinforce gender stereotypes, such as women as vulnerable victims. This can be seen to result from a lack of vision and political will for a truly inclusive and resilient society. In this paper, we suggest that in order for transformative social change to occur, we require a transformative vision; one that allows us to see the biases and problems within the current DRR policies and practices and allows us to imagine our future differently. We propose that a feminist vision offers that possibility. By feminist vision, we mean putting a gender equality approach at the heart of the DRR vision, planning and execution. In other words, making gender, in all its forms, from relational (i.e., interconnectedness) to performative (i.e., expression or performance), a starting point when thinking about DRR, recognising different vulnerabilities and impacts for all genders, rather than mainstreaming or accommodating gender into already existing structures. In order to explore this challenge and discuss the way forward, we present findings from three research projects where we interviewed people in six locations in Nepal between 2016 and 2019, as detailed in the methodology section.

Section snippets

Methodology

The conceptualisation of this paper began with a UKRI-funded project, MANTRA (Maternal and Newborn Technology for Resilience in Rural Areas),5 which was a pilot project that ran during 2017 and aimed to make a contribution to increasing maternal and newborn health resilience before, during and after disaster, using mobile technology [52].

Feminist vision for DRR

To build a better future, we must have a better image of the future.6

What is a feminist vision? In order to understand feminism, we draw upon M. Kay Harris’ [14] definition of a feminist vision. She argues that “Feminism … is a set of values, beliefs, and experiences, a consciousness, a way of looking at the world. Feminism should be seen not merely as a prescription for granting rights to women, but as a far

Gender and disaster

Attention to gender in DRR policies and practices has increased over recent decades [[5], [6], [11], [16], [17], [18], [19], [48], [49]].7 In this section, we look at some of the theorisations of gender in disaster studies, within the framework of disasters as,

The context

Nepal is considered a high-risk country, where each year thousands of people are impacted by extreme events, including environmental hazard-triggered incidents. While flooding, heat wave, cold wave and landslide are regular events, Nepal is also a country with high risk of earthquakes due to being situated in highly seismically active areas [39]. Although the 2015 earthquake is the most recent, killing approximately 9000 people and causing millions of people to lose their homes and livelihoods [

Gendered impacts of the 2015 Gorkha earthquake

The 2015 earthquakes impacted 14 districts of Nepal affecting the lives of millions of people. According to the available statistics, nearly 9000 people died, 22,000 were injured and over 8 million people were affected.11 The growing scholarship on the 2015 Nepal earthquake shows that women and girls were disproportionately impacted. UN Women estimated that 55% of the victims were women and girls.12

The Disaster Risk Reduction and Management (DRRM) act 2017

The 2015 earthquake changed many aspects of disaster management in Nepal. The government adopted a new Act, called the Disaster Risk Reduction and Management (DRRM) Act 2017 [10], which has been seen as a paradigm shift in its move away from a response-centric approach to a more comprehensive approach to DRR. Therefore, many believe that the new Act is a welcome shift from a reactive to a proactive approach to DRR, including the claim that it is gender responsive. Development partners,

Reflection and Conclusion

While scholarly work on gender and disaster has made significant progress, from seeing women in disaster contexts as simply victims to now better understanding the nuanced experiences of disaster caused by gender hierarchies, disaster policies have not made equal progress in their visions about gender. First of all, ‘gender’ still largely equates to ‘women’ which leaves out other gender categories. Gender vulnerability is still considered within traditional gender roles, recognising the

Declaration of competing interest

The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have influenced the work reported in this paper.

Acknowledgements

We acknowledge the support of the funders of the MANTRA project: the Natural Environment Research Council (NERC), the Arts & Humanities Research Council (AHRC) and the Economic & Social Research Council (ESRC) Global Challenge Research Fund (GCRF). NERC Reference: NE/P016103/1. We also acknowledge the work of all the MANTRA team but especially in this context Smriti Maskey, Sangam Rai and Kalpana Giri. We would like to extend our thanks to IRDR who supported our second follow up study through

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